Editing Algerian War of Independence

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Within that context, a grandson of [[Emir Abdelkader|Abd el-Kadir]] spearheaded the resistance against the French in the first half of the 20th century and was a member of the directing committee of the French Communist Party. In 1926, he founded the ''Étoile Nord-Africaine'' ("North African Star"), to which [[Messali Hadj]], also a member of the Communist Party and of its affiliated trade union, the [[Confédération générale du travail unitaire]] (CGTU), joined the following year.
Within that context, a grandson of [[Emir Abdelkader|Abd el-Kadir]] spearheaded the resistance against the French in the first half of the 20th century and was a member of the directing committee of the French Communist Party. In 1926, he founded the ''Étoile Nord-Africaine'' ("North African Star"), to which [[Messali Hadj]], also a member of the Communist Party and of its affiliated trade union, the [[Confédération générale du travail unitaire]] (CGTU), joined the following year.


The North African Star broke from the Communist Party in 1928, before being dissolved in 1929 at Paris's demand. Amid growing discontent from the Algerian population, the French Third Republic|Third Republic (1871–1940) acknowledged some demands, and the Popular Front initiated the Blum-Viollette proposal in 1936, which was supposed to enlighten the Indigenous Code by giving French citizenship to a small number of Muslims. The ''pieds-noirs'' (Algerians of European origin) violently demonstrated against it and the North African Party also opposed it, leading to its abandonment. The pro-independence party was dissolved in 1937, and its leaders were charged with the illegal reconstitution of a dissolved league, leading to Messali Hadj's 1937 founding of the ''Parti du peuple algérien'' (Algerian People's Party, PPA), which, no longer espoused full independence but only extensive autonomy. This new party was dissolved in 1939. Under Vichy France, the French State attempted to abrogate the Crémieux Decree to suppress the Jews' French citizenship, but the measure was never implemented. December 2016
The North African Star broke from the Communist Party in 1928, before being dissolved in 1929 at Paris's demand. Amid growing discontent from the Algerian population, the French Third Republic|Third Republic (1871–1940) acknowledged some demands, and the Popular Front initiated the Blum-Viollette proposal in 1936, which was supposed to enlighten the Indigenous Code by giving French citizenship to a small number of Muslims. The ''pieds-noirs'' (Algerians of European origin) violently demonstrated against it and the North African Party also opposed it, leading to its abandonment. The pro-independence party was dissolved in 1937, and its leaders were charged with the illegal reconstitution of a dissolved league, leading to Messali Hadj's 1937 founding of the ''[[Algerian People's Party|Parti du peuple algérien]]'' (Algerian People's Party, PPA), which, no longer espoused full independence but only extensive autonomy. This new party was dissolved in 1939. Under Vichy France, the French State attempted to abrogate the Crémieux Decree to suppress the Jews' French citizenship, but the measure was never implemented. December 2016


On the other hand, the nationalist leader [[Ferhat Abbas]] founded the Algerian Popular Union (''Union populaire algérienne'') in 1938. In 1943, Abbas wrote the Algerian People's Manifesto (''Manifeste du peuple algérien''). Arrested after the Sétif massacre of May 8, 1945, when the French Army and pieds-noirs mobs killed between 6,000 and 30,000 Algerians, Abbas founded the [[Democratic Union of the Algerian Manifesto]] (UDMA) in 1946 and was elected as a deputy. Founded in 1954, the [[National Liberation Front (Algeria)|National Liberation Front]] (FLN) created an armed wing, the ''Armée de Libération Nationale'' (National Liberation Army) to engage in an armed struggle against French authority. Many Algerian soldiers served for the French Army in the French Indochina War had strong sympathy to the Vietnamese fighting against France and took up their experience to support the ALN.
On the other hand, the nationalist leader [[Ferhat Abbas]] founded the Algerian Popular Union (''Union populaire algérienne'') in 1938. In 1943, Abbas wrote the Algerian People's Manifesto (''Manifeste du peuple algérien''). Arrested after the Sétif massacre of May 8, 1945, when the French Army and pieds-noirs mobs killed between 6,000 and 30,000 Algerians, Abbas founded the [[Democratic Union of the Algerian Manifesto]] (UDMA) in 1946 and was elected as a deputy. Founded in 1954, the [[National Liberation Front (Algeria)|National Liberation Front]] (FLN) created an armed wing, the ''Armée de Libération Nationale'' (National Liberation Army) to engage in an armed struggle against French authority. Many Algerian soldiers served for the French Army in the French Indochina War had strong sympathy to the Vietnamese fighting against France and took up their experience to support the ALN.
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=== Beginning of hostilities ===
=== Beginning of hostilities ===
[[File:Moudjahiddines algériens à la montagne.jpg|thumb|Algerian rebel fighters in the mountains]]
[[File:Moudjahiddines algériens à la montagne.jpg|thumb|Algerian rebel fighters in the mountains]]
{{Main|Declaration of 1 November 1954}}
In the early morning hours of 1 November 1954, FLN ''maquisards'' (guerrillas) attacked military and civilian targets throughout Algeria in what became known as the ''Toussaint Rouge'' (Red All-Saints' Day). From Cairo, the FLN broadcast the [[declaration of 1 November 1954]] written by the journalist [[Mohamed Aïchaoui]] calling on Muslims in Algeria to join in a national struggle for the "restoration of the Algerian state – sovereign, democratic and social – within the framework of the principles of Islam." It was the reaction of Premier Pierre Mendès France (Republican, Radical and Radical-Socialist Party), who only a few months before had completed the liquidation of France's tete empire in Indochina, which set the tone of French policy for five years. He declared in the National Assembly, "One does not compromise when it comes to defending the internal peace of the nation, the unity and integrity of the Republic. The Algerian departments are part of the French Republic. They have been French for a long time, and they are irrevocably French. ... Between them and metropolitan France there can be no conceivable secession." At first, and despite the Sétif massacre of 8 May 1945, and the pro-Independence struggle before World War II, most Algerians were in favor of a relative status-quo. While Messali Hadj had radicalized by forming the FLN, Ferhat Abbas maintained a more moderate, electoral strategy. Fewer than 500 ''fellaghas'' (pro-Independence fighters) could be counted at the beginning of the conflict. Alger-Bagdad", account of Yves Boisset's film documentary, ''The Battle of Algiers (film) (2006), in ''Le Canard enchaîné'', January 10, 2007 The Algerian population radicalized itself in particular because of the terrorist acts of French-sponsored ''[[Main Rouge]]'' (Red Hand) group, which targeted anti-colonialists in all of the Maghreb region (Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria), killing, for example, Tunisian activist [[Farhat Hached]] in 1952.
In the early morning hours of 1 November 1954, FLN ''maquisards'' (guerrillas) attacked military and civilian targets throughout Algeria in what became known as the ''Toussaint Rouge'' (Red All-Saints' Day). From Cairo, the FLN broadcast the [[declaration of 1 November 1954]] written by the journalist [[Mohamed Aïchaoui]] calling on Muslims in Algeria to join in a national struggle for the "restoration of the Algerian state – sovereign, democratic and social – within the framework of the principles of Islam." It was the reaction of Premier Pierre Mendès France (Republican, Radical and Radical-Socialist Party), who only a few months before had completed the liquidation of France's tete empire in Indochina, which set the tone of French policy for five years. He declared in the National Assembly, "One does not compromise when it comes to defending the internal peace of the nation, the unity and integrity of the Republic. The Algerian departments are part of the French Republic. They have been French for a long time, and they are irrevocably French. ... Between them and metropolitan France there can be no conceivable secession." At first, and despite the Sétif massacre of 8 May 1945, and the pro-Independence struggle before World War II, most Algerians were in favor of a relative status-quo. While Messali Hadj had radicalized by forming the FLN, Ferhat Abbas maintained a more moderate, electoral strategy. Fewer than 500 ''fellaghas'' (pro-Independence fighters) could be counted at the beginning of the conflict. Alger-Bagdad", account of Yves Boisset's film documentary, ''The Battle of Algiers (film) (2006), in ''Le Canard enchaîné'', January 10, 2007 The Algerian population radicalized itself in particular because of the terrorist acts of French-sponsored ''[[Main Rouge]]'' (Red Hand) group, which targeted anti-colonialists in all of the Maghreb region (Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria), killing, for example, Tunisian activist [[Farhat Hached]] in 1952.


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[[File:National Liberation Army Soldiers (7).jpg|thumb|[[National Liberation Army (Algeria)|National Liberation Army]] soldiers]]
[[File:National Liberation Army Soldiers (7).jpg|thumb|[[National Liberation Army (Algeria)|National Liberation Army]] soldiers]]
[[File:Houari Boumediène - War of Independence.jpg|thumb|[[Houari Boumediène]], the leader of the [[National Liberation Army (Algeria)|National Liberation Army]] and future [[President of Algeria]], during the war]]
[[File:Houari Boumediène - War of Independence.jpg|thumb|[[Houari Boumediène]], the leader of the [[National Liberation Army (Algeria)|National Liberation Army]] and future [[President of Algeria]], during the war]]
The FLN uprising presented nationalist groups with the question of whether to adopt armed revolt as the main course of action. During the first year of the war, [[Ferhat Abbas]]'s [[Democratic Union of the Algerian Manifesto]] (UDMA), the [[ulema]], and the [[Communist Party of Algeria]] (PCA) maintained a friendly neutrality toward the FLN. The communists, who had made no move to cooperate in the uprising at the start, later tried to infiltrate the FLN, but FLN leaders publicly repudiated the support of the party. In April 1956, Abbas flew to Cairo, where he formally joined the FLN. This action brought in many ''évolués'' who had supported the UDMA in the past. The AUMA also threw the full weight of its prestige behind the FLN. Bendjelloul and the pro-integrationist moderates had already abandoned their efforts to mediate between the French and the rebels.
The FLN uprising presented nationalist groups with the question of whether to adopt armed revolt as the main course of action. During the first year of the war, [[Ferhat Abbas]]'s [[Democratic Union of the Algerian Manifesto]] (UDMA), the [[ulema]], and the [[Communist Party of Algeria]] (PCA) maintained a friendly neutrality toward the FLN. The [[communism|communists]], who had made no move to cooperate in the uprising at the start, later tried to infiltrate the FLN, but FLN leaders publicly repudiated the support of the party. In April 1956, Abbas flew to Cairo, where he formally joined the FLN. This action brought in many ''évolués'' who had supported the UDMA in the past. The AUMA also threw the full weight of its prestige behind the FLN. Bendjelloul and the pro-integrationist moderates had already abandoned their efforts to mediate between the French and the rebels.


After the collapse of the MTLD, the veteran nationalist [[Messali Hadj]] formed the leftist [[Mouvement National Algérien]] (MNA), which advocated a policy of violent revolution and total independence similar to that of the FLN, but aimed to compete with that organisation. The [[Armée de Libération Nationale]] (ALN), the military wing of the FLN, subsequently wiped out the MNA guerrilla operation in Algeria, and Messali Hadj's movement lost what little influence it had had there. However, the MNA retained the support of many Algerian workers in France through the [[Union Syndicale des Travailleurs Algériens]] (the Union of Algerian Workers). The FLN also established a strong organization in France to oppose the MNA. The "[[Café wars]]", resulting in nearly 5,000 deaths, were waged in France between the two rebel groups throughout the years of the War of Independence.
After the collapse of the MTLD, the veteran nationalist [[Messali Hadj]] formed the leftist [[Mouvement National Algérien]] (MNA), which advocated a policy of violent revolution and total independence similar to that of the FLN, but aimed to compete with that organisation. The [[Armée de Libération Nationale]] (ALN), the military wing of the FLN, subsequently wiped out the MNA guerrilla operation in Algeria, and Messali Hadj's movement lost what little influence it had had there. However, the MNA retained the support of many Algerian workers in France through the [[Union Syndicale des Travailleurs Algériens]] (the [[Trade union|Union]] of Algerian Workers). The FLN also established a strong organization in France to oppose the MNA. The "[[Café wars]]", resulting in nearly 5,000 deaths, were waged in France between the two rebel groups throughout the years of the War of Independence.


[[File:Six chefs FLN - 1954.jpg|thumb|upright=0.9|left|The six historical Leaders of the FLN: [[Rabah Bitat]], [[Mustapha Benboulaïd|Mostefa Ben Boulaïd]], [[Mourad Didouche]], [[Mohammed Boudiaf]], [[Krim Belkacem]] and [[Larbi Ben M'Hidi]].]]
[[File:Six chefs FLN - 1954.jpg|thumb|upright=0.9|left|The six historical Leaders of the FLN: [[Rabah Bitat]], [[Mustapha Benboulaïd|Mostefa Ben Boulaïd]], [[Mourad Didouche]], [[Mohammed Boudiaf]], [[Krim Belkacem]] and [[Larbi Ben M'Hidi]].]]
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=== After the Philippeville massacre ===
=== After the Philippeville massacre ===
{{more citations needed section|date=August 2014}}
{{more citations needed section|date=August 2014}}
[[File:1955-08-25 Rebellion Spreads in North Africa.ogv|thumb|Universal Newsreels ''Rebellion Spreads in North Africa'', 1955]]
[[File:1955-08-25 Rebellion Spreads in North Africa.ogv|thumb|Universal [[Newsreel]]s ''Rebellion Spreads in North Africa'', 1955]]


The FLN adopted tactics similar to those of nationalist groups in Asia, and the French did not realize the seriousness of the challenge they faced until 1955, when the FLN moved into urbanized areas. "An important watershed in the War of Independence was [[Battle of Philippeville|the massacre of Pieds-Noirs civilians]] by the FLN near the town of Philippeville (now known as Skikda) in August 1955. Before this operation, FLN policy was to attack only military and government-related targets. The commander of the Constantine ''wilaya''/region, however, decided a drastic escalation was needed. The killing by the FLN and its supporters of 123 people, including 71 French, including old women and babies, shocked Jacques Soustelle into calling for more repressive measures against the rebels. The French authorities stated that 1,273 guerrillas died in what Soustelle admitted were "severe" reprisals. The FLN subsequently claimed that 12,000 Muslims were killed. Soustelle's repression was an early cause of the Algerian population's rallying to the FLN. After Philippeville, Soustelle declared sterner measures and an all-out war began. In 1956, demonstrations by French Algerians caused the French government to not make reforms.
The FLN adopted tactics similar to those of nationalist groups in Asia, and the French did not realize the seriousness of the challenge they faced until 1955, when the FLN moved into urbanized areas. "An important watershed in the War of Independence was [[Battle of Philippeville|the massacre of Pieds-Noirs civilians]] by the FLN near the town of [[Philippeville, Algeria|Philippeville]] (now known as [[Skikda]]) in August 1955. Before this operation, FLN policy was to attack only military and government-related targets. The commander of the Constantine ''wilaya''/region, however, decided a drastic escalation was needed. The killing by the FLN and its supporters of 123 people, including 71 French, including old women and babies, shocked Jacques Soustelle into calling for more repressive measures against the rebels. The French authorities stated that 1,273 guerrillas died in what Soustelle admitted were "severe" reprisals. The FLN subsequently claimed that 12,000 Muslims were killed. Soustelle's repression was an early cause of the Algerian population's rallying to the FLN. After Philippeville, Soustelle declared sterner measures and an all-out war began. In 1956, demonstrations by French Algerians caused the French government to not make reforms.


Soustelle's successor, Governor General Lacoste, a socialist, abolished the Algerian Assembly. Lacoste saw the assembly, which was dominated by ''pieds-noirs'', as hindering the work of his administration, and he undertook the rule of Algeria by decree. He favored stepping up French military operations and granted the army exceptional police powers—a concession of dubious legality under French law—to deal with the mounting political violence. At the same time, Lacoste proposed a new administrative structure to give Algeria some autonomy and a decentralized government. Whilst remaining an integral part of France, Algeria was to be divided into five districts, each of which would have a territorial assembly elected from a single slate of candidates. Until 1958, deputies representing Algerian districts were able to delay the passage of the measure by the National Assembly of France.
Soustelle's successor, Governor General Lacoste, a socialist, abolished the Algerian Assembly. Lacoste saw the assembly, which was dominated by ''pieds-noirs'', as hindering the work of his administration, and he undertook the rule of Algeria by decree. He favored stepping up French military operations and granted the army exceptional police powers—a concession of dubious legality under French law—to deal with the mounting political violence. At the same time, Lacoste proposed a new administrative structure to give Algeria some autonomy and a decentralized government. Whilst remaining an integral part of France, Algeria was to be divided into five districts, each of which would have a territorial assembly elected from a single slate of candidates. Until 1958, deputies representing Algerian districts were able to delay the passage of the measure by the National Assembly of France.
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To increase international and domestic French attention to their struggle, the FLN decided to bring the conflict to the cities and to call a nationwide general strike and also to plant bombs in public places. The most notable instance was the Battle of Algiers, which began on September 30, 1956, when three women, including [[Djamila Bouhired]] and [[Zohra Drif]], simultaneously placed bombs at three sites including the downtown office of [[Air France]]. The FLN carried out shootings and bombings in the spring of 1957, resulting in civilian casualties and a crushing response from the authorities.
To increase international and domestic French attention to their struggle, the FLN decided to bring the conflict to the cities and to call a nationwide general strike and also to plant bombs in public places. The most notable instance was the Battle of Algiers, which began on September 30, 1956, when three women, including [[Djamila Bouhired]] and [[Zohra Drif]], simultaneously placed bombs at three sites including the downtown office of [[Air France]]. The FLN carried out shootings and bombings in the spring of 1957, resulting in civilian casualties and a crushing response from the authorities.


General Jacques Massu was instructed to use whatever methods deemed necessary to restore order in the city and to find and eliminate terrorists. Using paratroopers, he broke the strike and, in the succeeding months, destroyed the FLN infrastructure in Algiers. But the FLN had succeeded in showing its ability to strike at the heart of French Algeria and to assemble a mass response to its demands among urban Muslims. The publicity given to the brutal methods used by the army to win the Battle of Algiers, including the use of torture, strong movement control and curfew called ''quadrillage'' and where all authority was under the military, created doubt in France about its role in Algeria. What was originally "pacification" or a "public order operation" had turned into a colonial war accompanied by torture.
General [[Jacques Massu]] was instructed to use whatever methods deemed necessary to restore order in the city and to find and eliminate terrorists. Using paratroopers, he broke the strike and, in the succeeding months, destroyed the FLN infrastructure in Algiers. But the FLN had succeeded in showing its ability to strike at the heart of French Algeria and to assemble a mass response to its demands among urban Muslims. The publicity given to the brutal methods used by the army to win the Battle of Algiers, including the use of torture, strong movement control and curfew called ''quadrillage'' and where all authority was under the military, created doubt in France about its role in Algeria. What was originally "pacification" or a "public order operation" had turned into a colonial war accompanied by torture.


=== Guerrilla war ===
=== Guerrilla war ===
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The FLN also used pseudo-guerrilla strategies against the French Army on one occasion, with Force K, a group of 1,000 Algerians who volunteered to serve in Force K as guerrillas for the French. But most of these members were either already FLN members or were turned by the FLN once enlisted. Corpses of purported FLN members displayed by the unit were in fact those of dissidents and members of other Algerian groups killed by the FLN. The French Army finally discovered the war ruse and tried to hunt down Force K members. However, some 600 managed to escape and join the FLN with weapons and equipment.<ref name=Cline/><ref name=Horne/>{{rp|255–7}}
The FLN also used pseudo-guerrilla strategies against the French Army on one occasion, with Force K, a group of 1,000 Algerians who volunteered to serve in Force K as guerrillas for the French. But most of these members were either already FLN members or were turned by the FLN once enlisted. Corpses of purported FLN members displayed by the unit were in fact those of dissidents and members of other Algerian groups killed by the FLN. The French Army finally discovered the war ruse and tried to hunt down Force K members. However, some 600 managed to escape and join the FLN with weapons and equipment.<ref name=Cline/><ref name=Horne/>{{rp|255–7}}


Late in 1957, General Raoul Salan, commanding the French Army in Algeria, instituted a system of ''quadrillage'' (surveillance using a grid pattern), dividing the country into sectors, each permanently garrisoned by troops responsible for suppressing rebel operations in their assigned territory. Salan's methods sharply reduced the instances of FLN terrorism but tied down a large number of troops in static defense. Salan also constructed a heavily patrolled system of barriers to limit infiltration from Tunisia and Morocco. The best known of these was the Morice Line (named for the French defense minister, [[André Morice]]), which consisted of an electrified fence, barbed wire, and mines over a 320-kilometer stretch of the Tunisian border. Despite ruthless clashes during the [[Battle of the borders (Algerian war)|Battle of the borders]], the ALN failed to penetrate these defence lines.
Late in 1957, General [[Raoul Salan]], commanding the French Army in Algeria, instituted a system of ''quadrillage'' (surveillance using a grid pattern), dividing the country into sectors, each permanently garrisoned by troops responsible for suppressing rebel operations in their assigned territory. Salan's methods sharply reduced the instances of FLN terrorism but tied down a large number of troops in static defense. Salan also constructed a heavily patrolled system of barriers to limit infiltration from Tunisia and Morocco. The best known of these was the Morice Line (named for the French defense minister, [[André Morice]]), which consisted of an electrified fence, barbed wire, and mines over a 320-kilometer stretch of the Tunisian border. Despite ruthless clashes during the [[Battle of the borders (Algerian war)|Battle of the borders]], the ALN failed to penetrate these defence lines.


[[File:Le barrage électrifié sur les frontières Est de l'Algérie.jpg|thumb|left|Electrified barriers along the entire length of Algeria's eastern and western borders]]
[[File:Le barrage électrifié sur les frontières Est de l'Algérie.jpg|thumb|left|Electrified barriers along the entire length of Algeria's eastern and western borders]]
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