Editing Marcos Pérez Jiménez

{{Villain Infobox|Image=Marcos Pérez Jiménez.jpg|origin=Táchira, Venezuela|skills=charisma<br>engineering<br>knowledge of laws|occupation=President of Venezuela (1952 - 1958)|type of villain=Supremacist Totalitarian|crimes=Mass [[murder]]<br>[[Kidnapping]]<br>[[Xenophobia]]<br>[[Anglophobia]]<br>[[Torture]]<br>Attempted invasion of Guyana<br>[[Americophobia]]<br>[[Genocide]]<br>[[Misogyny]]<br>[[Crimes against humanity]]|hobby=reading books|fullname=Marcos Envangelista Pérez Jiménez|alias = P.J.|goals = Turn Venezuela into the number one Latin American country (failed)}}
{{Quote|I will make Venezuela the first nation in all of Latin America. The largest, the most prosperous and the most cultured… I will make the thoughts of the Liberator Simón Bolívar come true. “The parties will cease and the union will be consolidated, Morale and Lights, they are our first needs.|Marcos Pérez Jiménez}}
'''Marcos Envangelista Pérez Jiménez''' (April 25, 1914 - September 20, 2001) was the dictator of Venezuela from 1952 to 1958.
== Biography ==
Born in michelena tachira son of Juan Pérez Bustamante and Adela Jiménez he began his military career in 1931, upon entering the Military School of Venezuela, graduating as Second Lieutenant in 1933, with the highest grades of his promotion, without having exceeded his average in the history of the Troop Officers Academy. In 1941 he took specialization courses at the Military School of Chorrillos, in Lima, Peru, together with the former Minister of Development and Public Works, Division General José del Carmen Cabrejo Mejía during the military government of General Manuel A. Odria, being promoted. to captain upon his return to Venezuela. 

In 1948 he participated in the military coup that overthrew Rómulo Gallegos, and in 1952, despite not having a majority of votes, the regime imposed him as president of the Republic. His [[dictatorship]] was characterized by police repression, the oil boom and corruption. He was impeached (1958), tried for embezzlement (1963) and imprisoned (until 1968). 

In 1968 he participated in the presidential elections at the head of the Nationalist Civic Crusade party, from which he was expelled in 1974. In 1994 he was again convicted of corruption. In 1999, coinciding with his admission to hospital due to a cerebral embolism, the crimes of which he was accused were prescribed.

The coup d'état of November 24, 1948 established in power a Military Junta presided over by Lieutenant Colonel Carlos Delgado Chalbaud, until then Minister of Defense; by the officer of the same rank Marcos Pérez Jiménez, former head of the Armed Forces, leader of the conspiracy against Rómulo Gallegos and main collaborator in the 1945 coup; and by Luis Felipe Llovera Páez, also with the rank of lieutenant colonel.

The first acts of the Military Junta were aimed at neutralizing the great opposition forces, without giving them time to react; In fact, this strategy was maintained during the ten years of dictatorship that followed the military coup, becoming the formula par excellence for the preservation of power. Thus, Democratic Action and the Communist Party were outlawed in a first phase, and then their members were exiled, persecuted, imprisoned and tortured, with a view to dismantling these organizations. The Democratic Republican Union and Copei enjoyed legality during this period and, in fact, participated in the elections that would take place in 1952.

The regime of the Military Junta was one of the most undemocratic in the history of Venezuela. Ten years of suspension of public liberties, corruption and political fraud is the phrase that synthesizes Venezuelan history during the period from 1948 to 1958. The presidency of Carlos Delgado Chalbaud was abruptly interrupted after his bloody assassination. He was succeeded in power by Germán Suárez Flamerich, who assumed the temporary presidency of what then began to be called the Governing Board of the United States of Venezuela.

On November 30, 1952, elections were called to elect the deputies to a Constituent Assembly. The FEI (party supported by the Governing Board), Copei and URD (supported by AD and by the Communist Party from underground) participated in it. The government's refusal to publish the electoral results revealed their fraudulent nature and the null democratic vocation of the regime. The Government declared the FEI the winner, and on December 4 of the same year Marcos Pérez Jiménez assumed the provisional presidency of the Government. Already in April 1953, the National Constituent Assembly ratified him as constitutional president.

In economic matters, however, the government of Pérez Jiménez was favored by abundant tax revenues. The post-war era became beneficial for Venezuela due to the sale of hydrocarbons. The concession regime had been adopted again by the Government, which then enjoyed 50 percent of the profits from oil exploitation, thanks to the successful management of President Rómulo Betancourt in his first term (1945-48). The country's industrial and public works modernization was one of the unquestionable achievements of this period. 

The boom in trade between Venezuela and the North Atlantic countries was followed by monumental buildings and large-scale constructions, especially in terms of roads. The Caracas-La Guaira highway is one of the most representative elements of the works carried out by Pérez Jiménez. From the political point of view, the presidency of Pérez Jiménez was marked, almost entirely, by the fight for the extinction of the opposition, especially that of Acción Democrática, a party that was almost dismantled at the end of the dictatorship. 

The [[secret police]], the "National Security", played the role of defender of the regime. His strategy was one of espionage, persecution and torture. A regime of terror, without a doubt, was what had been consolidated in Venezuela by 1956 and 1957. Hardly an economic system with such a boom could be accompanied by such a closed and [[Authoritarianism|authoritarian]] political regime. Both factors would come together in the realization of a popular coup d'état (although with military help) on January 23, 1958.The events that preceded that date, of a very diverse nature, indicated the degree of general discontent towards the regime. The straw that broke the camel's back fell on November 1, 1958, when Pérez Jiménez called a plebiscite to decide on his reelection as president for the following five years. The first to protest were the students of the UCV, who on the 21st of that same month held a massive demonstration at the gates of the University. Although that act was brutally repressed, it would mark the beginning of a revolt that would not cease until the end of the regime.

At the same time, the Communist Party called for an alliance with the various opposition parties. First he contacted the Democratic Republican Union and both parties founded the so-called Patriotic Board; Later, Copei and Acción Democrática were summoned to it, which was reorganized from its youngest militancy. Once the political forces are stable, and with the support of the students, the decisive actors, the military and the citizens, would be missing. Until December 1957 it was thought that the Armed Forces were perfectly unified; However, to everyone's surprise, on January 1, 1958, a military uprising led by Colonel Hugo Trejo had taken place. Although he was subdued, this event made it possible to detect an opposition sector in the army. The military soon made contact with the Patriotic Junta through the student arm.

Finally, on January 21, a general strike was called; the students were in charge of distributing the propaganda among the citizens and, that day, veritable crowds descended from the hills in protest against the dictatorship. Despite a state of siege being declared, January 21 and 22 were days of massive revolt, and in the early hours of the 23rd, while the military took over the government palace and the radio stations, the dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez fled from the city in the presidential plane, popularly known as "the sacred cow".
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